Amory Gethin
Léo Czajka
Gabriel Leite-Mariante
Camille Landais
Lucas Warwar
Paolo Pinotti
Alexandre Fonseca
Gabriel Ulyssea
Clement Imbert
Heidi Williams
Josh Schwartzstein
Harsh Gupta
Maya Durvasula
Marcella Alsan
Horng Chern Wong
Brian Amorim Cabaco
Weikai Chen
Clara von Bismarck-Osten
Matthew Nibloe
Julian Limberg
David Hope
Martin Nybom
Jan Stuhler
Mattia Fochesato
Sam Bowles
Linda Wu
Tzu-Ting Yang
Thomas Piketty
Malka Guillot
Jonathan Goupille-Lebret
Bertrand Garbinti
Antoine Bozio
Hakki Yazici
Slavík Ctirad
Kina Özlem
Tilman Graff
Tilman Graff
Yuri Ostrovsky
Martin Munk
Anton Heil
Maitreesh Ghatak
Robin Burgess
Oriana Bandiera
Claire Balboni
Jonna Olsson
Richard Foltyn
Minjie Deng
Iiyana Kuziemko
Elisa Jácome
Juan Pablo Rud
Bridget Hofmann
Sumaiya Rahman
Martin Nybom
Stephen Machin
Hans van Kippersluis
Anne C. Gielen
Espen Bratberg
Jo Blanden
Adrian Adermon
Maximilian Hell
Robert Manduca
Robert Manduca
Marta Morazzoni
Aadesh Gupta
David Wengrow
Damian Phelan
Amanda Dahlstrand
Andrea Guariso
Erika Deserranno
Lukas Hensel
Stefano Caria
Vrinda Mittal
Ararat Gocmen
Clara Martínez-Toledano
Yves Steinebach
Breno Sampaio
Joana Naritomi
Diogo Britto
François Gerard
Filippo Pallotti
Heather Sarsons
Kristóf Madarász
Anna Becker
Lucas Conwell
Michela Carlana
Katja Seim
Joao Granja
Jason Sockin
Todd Schoellman
Paolo Martellini
UCL Policy Lab
Natalia Ramondo
Javier Cravino
Vanessa Alviarez
Hugo Reis
Pedro Carneiro
Raul Santaeulalia-Llopis
Diego Restuccia
Chaoran Chen
Brad J. Hershbein
Paige Ouimet
Holger Mueller
Pablo Garriga
Gabriel Ulyssea
Costas Meghir
Pinelopi Koujianou Goldberg
Rafael Dix-Carneiro
Alessandro Toppeta
Áureo de Paula
Orazio Attanasio
Seth Zimmerman
Joseph Price
Valerie Michelman
Camille Semelet
Anne Brockmeyer
Pierre Bachas
Santiago Pérez
Elisa Jácome
Leah Boustan
Ran Abramitzky
Jesse Rothstein
Jeffrey T. Denning
Sandra Black
Wei Cui
Mathieu Leduc
Philippe Jehiel
Shivam Gujral
Suraj Sridhar
Attila Lindner
Arindrajit Dube
Pascual Restrepo
Łukasz Rachel
Benjamin Moll
Kirill Borusyak
Michael McMahon
Frederic Malherbe
Gabor Pinter
Angus Foulis
Saleem Bahaj
Stone Centre at UCL
Phil Thornton
James Baggaley
Xavier Jaravel
Richard Blundell
Parama Chaudhury
Dani Rodrik
Alan Olivi
Vincent Sterk
Davide Melcangi
Enrico Miglino
Fabian Kosse
Daniel Wilhelm
Azeem M. Shaikh
Joseph Romano
Magne Mogstad
Suresh Naidu
Ilyana Kuziemko
Daniel Herbst
Henry Farber
Lisa Windsteiger
Ruben Durante
Mathias Dolls
Cevat Giray Aksoy
Angel Sánchez
Penélope Hernández
Antonio Cabrales
Wendy Carlin
Suphanit Piyapromdee
Garud Iyengar
Willemien Kets
Rajiv Sethi
Ralph Luetticke
Benjamin Born
Amy Bogaard
Mattia Fochesato
Samuel Bowles
Guanyi Wang
CORE Econ
David Cai
Toru Kitagawa
Michela Tincani
Christian Bayer
Arun Advani
Elliott Ash
Imran Rasul

Racial Inequality and Redistribution in Post-Apartheid South Africa

What is this research about and why did you do it?

South Africa’s first universal democratic election took place in 1994 and marked the end of centuries of racist institutions. Major reforms were then carried out by successive governments, with the objective of reducing the extreme levels of inequality inherited from Apartheid. To understand to what extent South Africa’s post-Apartheid transformations have met the expectations of the early 1990s, we study the evolution of overall and racial inequalities, before and after tax and transfers, from 1993 to 2019.

How did you answer this question?

Using the Distributional National Accounts framework, we produce factor income series by harmonising household surveys, correcting top income with tax tabulations and rescaling to national aggregates. We then obtain pretax income series by accounting for the incidence of the pension system, unemployment insurance and informal private transfers. Last, we move to posttax income by allocating each tax and each government transfers and services in a particularly detailed way. The resulting microdatabase covers the joint distribution of income, expenditure, wealth, taxes, and transfers in a way consistent with macroeconomic growth, administrative budget data, and racial population statistics from 1993 to 2019.

What did you find?

Two distinct periods emerge. Between 1993 and the mid-2000s, pretax inequality rose, racial disparities widened, and redistribution stagnated. From the mid-2000s onward, pretax inequality declined while posttax inequality fell more rapidly as social spending and personal income taxation expanded. By 2019 the White-to-Black income ratio had halved since 1993—yet nearly half of this decline stemmed from the exceptional income growth of the top 10% of Black earners. Despite major redistribution, South Africa remains the world's most unequal country in the world for which comparable data exist and the racial income gap remains extreme by international standards.

What implications does this have for the study (research and teaching) of wealth concentration or economic inequality?

This paper provides the first comprehensive long-run assessment of how growth, taxes and transfers contribute to shape overall and racial inequality in an emerging economy, setting a benchmark for future comparative work. Our findings demonstrate how persistent inherited economic structures may be despite major institutional changes. They also illustrate how the transition to a democratic regime can have very heterogenous consequences for the previously dominated group.

What are the next steps in your agenda?

Future research should investigate the mechanisms behind the exceptional income growth of top Black earners—whether driven by the dismantling of discriminatory laws or by the adoption of pre-redistribution public policies favouring previously oppressed racial groups.

Citation and related resources

Czajka, L. and Gethin, A. (2025). "Racial Inequality and Redistribution in Post-Apartheid South Africa." EUTAX Working Paper, December 2025.

About the authors