Brian Amorim Cabaco
Weikai Chen
Clara von Bismarck-Osten
Matthew Nibloe
Julian Limberg
David Hope
Martin Nybom
Jan Stuhler
Mattia Fochesato
Sam Bowles
Linda Wu
Tzu-Ting Yang
Thomas Piketty
Malka Guillot
Jonathan Goupille-Lebret
Bertrand Garbinti
Antoine Bozio
Hakki Yazici
Slavík Ctirad
Kina Özlem
Tilman Graff
Tilman Graff
Yuri Ostrovsky
Martin Munk
Anton Heil
Maitreesh Ghatak
Robin Burgess
Oriana Bandiera
Claire Balboni
Jonna Olsson
Richard Foltyn
Minjie Deng
Iiyana Kuziemko
Elisa Jácome
Juan Pablo Rud
Bridget Hofmann
Sumaiya Rahman
Martin Nybom
Stephen Machin
Hans van Kippersluis
Anne C. Gielen
Espen Bratberg
Jo Blanden
Adrian Adermon
Maximilian Hell
Robert Manduca
Robert Manduca
Marta Morazzoni
Aadesh Gupta
David Wengrow
Damian Phelan
Amanda Dahlstrand
Andrea Guariso
Erika Deserranno
Lukas Hensel
Stefano Caria
Vrinda Mittal
Ararat Gocmen
Clara Martínez-Toledano
Yves Steinebach
Breno Sampaio
Joana Naritomi
Diogo Britto
François Gerard
Filippo Pallotti
Heather Sarsons
Kristóf Madarász
Anna Becker
Lucas Conwell
Michela Carlana
Katja Seim
Joao Granja
Jason Sockin
Todd Schoellman
Paolo Martellini
UCL Policy Lab
Natalia Ramondo
Javier Cravino
Vanessa Alviarez
Hugo Reis
Pedro Carneiro
Raul Santaeulalia-Llopis
Diego Restuccia
Chaoran Chen
Brad J. Hershbein
Claudia Macaluso
Chen Yeh
Xuan Tam
Xin Tang
Marina M. Tavares
Adrian Peralta-Alva
Carlos Carillo-Tudela
Felix Koenig
Joze Sambt
Ronald Lee
James Sefton
David McCarthy
Bledi Taska
Carter Braxton
Alp Simsek
Plamen T. Nenov
Gabriel Chodorow-Reich
Virgiliu Midrigan
Corina Boar
Sauro Mocetti
Guglielmo Barone
Steven J. Davis
Nicholas Bloom
José María Barrero
Thomas Sampson
Adrien Matray
Natalie Bau
Darryl Koehler
Laurence J. Kotlikoff
Alan J. Auerbach
Irina Popova
Alexander Ludwig
Dirk Krueger
Nicola Fuchs-Schündeln
Taylor Jaworski
Walker Hanlon
Ludo Visschers
Henrik Kleven
Kristian Jakobsen
Katrine Marie Jakobsen
Alessandro Guarnieri
Tanguy van Ypersele
Fabien Petit
Cecilia García-Peñalosa
Yonatan Berman
Nina Weber
Julian Limberg
David Hope
Pedro Tremacoldi-Rossi
Tatiana Mocanu
Marco Ranaldi
Silvia Vannutelli
Raymond Fisman
John Voorheis
Reed Walker
Janet Currie
Roel Dom
Marcos Vera-Hernández
Emla Fitzsimons
José V. Rodríguez Mora
Tomasa Rodrigo
Álvaro Ortiz
Stephen Hansen
Vasco Carvalho
Gergely Buda
Gabriel Zucman
Anders Jensen
Matthew Fisher-Post
José-Alberto Guerra
Myra Mohnen
Christopher Timmins
Ignacio Sarmiento-Barbieri
Peter Christensen
Linda Wu
Gaurav Khatri
Julián Costas-Fernández
Eleonora Patacchini
Jorgen Harris
Marco Battaglini
Ricardo Fernholz
Alberto Bisin
Jess Benhabib
Cian Ruane
Pete Klenow
Mark Bils
Peter Hull
Will Dobbie
David Arnold
Eric Zwick
Owen Zidar
Matt Smith
Ansgar Walther
Tarun Ramadorai
Paul Goldsmith-Pinkham
Andreas Fuster
Ellora Derenoncourt
Golvine de Rochambeau
Vinayak Iyer
Jonas Hjort
Elena Simintzi
Paige Ouimet
Holger Mueller
Pablo Garriga
Gabriel Ulyssea
Costas Meghir
Pinelopi Koujianou Goldberg
Rafael Dix-Carneiro
Alessandro Toppeta
Áureo de Paula
Orazio Attanasio
Seth Zimmerman
Joseph Price
Valerie Michelman
Camille Semelet
Anne Brockmeyer

The macroeconomic effects of mergers and acquisitions in the United States

What is this research about and why did you do it?

During the 1980s and 1990s, merger waves led to unprecedented corporate consolidation, and prior studies have highlighted that both markups and firm concentration have considerably risen over that timeframe. Although mergers allow firms to unlock synergies, which are productivity-enhancing, they also allow firms to capture market share, thereby reducing competitive pressure in the affected industries. I study the effects of merger activity on aggregate outcomes, and whether mergers can explain the trends mentioned above.

How did you answer this question?

I answer this question using a combination of empirical analysis and structural modeling. Empirically, I study a dataset of over 20,000 merger transactions and provide new stylized facts on acquirers, targets, and their respective competitors. I also provide novel firm-level and aggregate time-series evidence on the effects of merger activity. Theoretically, I develop a firm dynamics model with three key ingredients to provide a structural interpretation to the empirical findings. First, firms are heterogeneous in productivity, which is time-varying, and there is entry and exit of firms. Second, firms charge variable markups. Third, I model the market for corporate control as one in which acquirers compete for targets in competitive auctions.

What did you find?

First, at the firm level, I document that acquirers charge higher markups than both targets and competitors. Both acquirers and targets are larger than their competitors, though acquirers more so than targets. I find strong positive assortative matching along the productivity and markup distributions: productive acquirers with high markups pair with productive, high-markup targets. These patterns suggest that mergers concentrate market power.

Using event studies around merger announcements, I find positive abnormal stock returns for the merging parties and for the competitors of acquirers. Crucially, I document an asymmetry: competitors of acquirers earn positive abnormal returns comparable to those of acquirers, while competitors of targets earn zero returns. This evidence suggests that positive rival returns do not reflect future takeover expectations—if they did, competitors of targets (who resemble targets the most) should also gain. Instead, the results are consistent with market power channels. Supporting this, I also find that acquirers earn higher returns around merger announcements in concentrated industries.

Second, at the aggregate level, I find that merger waves lead to persistent declines in GDP, consumption, and investment, alongside falling labor productivity and moderately rising prices. Third, the calibrated model shows that while mergers bring about synergies, on the net, the anticompetitive effects dominate at the aggregate level. This is because sorting between acquirers and targets tends to create superstar firms, which exploit synergies to raise their markups rather than expand production. In turn, this allows other large firms to also raise their markups, thereby worsening misallocation. Additionally, these large firms crowd out smaller, less productive firms, thus reducing firm entry.

What implications does this have for the study (research and teaching) of wealth concentration or economic inequality?

My research highlights that merger activity is a structural driver of corporate concentration. I show that the economic surplus generated by mergers is primarily captured by shareholders through higher markups, rather than passed on to consumers through lower prices. This unequal distribution of the synergy gains acts as a transfer of wealth from consumers to asset holders.

What are the next steps in your agenda?

The next steps in my agenda are to explore the local effects of mergers on labor market power. I plan to extend both the empirical analysis and my structural model to investigate monopsony power and study how market concentration affects wage setting.

About the authors

Brian Amorim Cabaco

PhD Candidate in Economics at University College London.

Brian Amorim Cabaco